Archive for the ‘Thinking about psychiatry’ Category

User groups

Tuesday, June 23rd, 2009

In a lecture he gave in October 2008 Consultant Psychiatrist Dr Pat Bracken spoke strongly in favour of engagement of psychiatrists with consumers of mental health services.  He put it rather strongly actually:

‘If we say that we are working to develop user-centred services, training and research programmes then is it simply unethical to carry on as if the user movement did not exist’.

True to this insight, during my time as a psychiatric trainee I’ve had very little to do with user organisations, and they have therefore had little or no impact on my thinking or clinical practice*.  Just like Bracken says, for me they have not existed.  I am unable to say if this is the experience of all psychiatric trainees, or whether my training establishment is particularly indifferent, but I fear that I am not a unique case.  This must be a regrettable oversight.  Any sensible commercial entity (to which health services are becoming increasingly compared) listens to people who take the time to lodge a concern, knowing that if they do not, not only will their disgruntled customer brief others of their dissatisfaction, but also that they will be missing an opportunity to improve.  Within psychiatry, patients can make complaints and are sometimes asked to participate, but they act predominantly as advisors and expertise still resides with professionals.

Why, you might say, does this matter, and why should we single psychiatry out on this?  Perhaps we should not; I personally have seen from working in other medical specialties that psychiatry’s reluctance to engage with user groups is shared by other branches of medicine where there reside doctors who are very unwilling to engage with patients.  Many people return from a stay in a hospital medical or surgical ward with reports of offhand medical staff and have been so uninvolved in their care that they are barely aware of what has happened to them.  However, whilst psychiatric disorders resemble those of physical medicine in many ways, their formulation cannot easily be captured with the same lexicon and the interaction between psychiatrists and their patients is different.  You can, at least in theory treat, a patient’s coronary arteries without so much as exchanging the time of day with them.  A cardiologist who takes into account their patients’ community role and psychological well being may have more satisfied patients, but it is not their primary business.  Psychiatry, on the other hand, deals with thoughts, feelings and behaviours and is entirely cited in the social world.  Our outcomes are less mechanical and more nuanced than those of other parts of medicine.  We have power to define normality, to bestow stigmatizing labels and to take freedoms where we think fit**.

Psychiatric disease is often chronic, so a beneficial relationship between doctors and patients can only be to mutual benefit.  The fuller dialogue with patients and with user groups could lead us to devise services that genuinely engage people with mental health problems and inform our theories as to the nature and boundaries of psychiatric illness.  Such engagement will lead to responsibilities for our patients too; they, as well as the wider public need to be will to be understanding over the particular areas of difficulty in our practice, such as the use of the mental health act.  Recognition will also be needed of the fact that user groups do not speak with one voice and potentially have contradictory messages.

If you have worked with user groups in any capacity, please leave a comment below and tell of your experience.

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*Criticism of psychiatry from former users is, of course, not new.  In 1620 for instance the House of Lords received the ‘Petition of the Poor Distracted People in the House of Bedlam’ a complaint against the inhumane treatment of the Bedlam Asylum inmates.

** Not that I was there, but this transcript of a 2006 debate organised by the James Naylor Trust gives an idea of how upset some people are with psychiatrists.

Links:

Users’ movement and the challenge to psychiatrists – 1998 British Journal of Psychiatry

Addendum 5 July 2009

An interesting new publication by Pat Bracken and Phil Thomas on the user groups subject:

Beyond consultation: the challenge of working with user/survivor and carer groups

Common sense, nonsense and the new culture wars within psychiatry. Invited commentary on . . Beyond consultation

Authors’ response. Invited commentary on … Beyond consultation

Addendum 8 February 2010

Louise Pembroke has written for Openmind magazine about the relationship between psychiatrists and user groups and this is well worth a read.

Antidepressants prescribed by psychiatrists only?

Tuesday, June 16th, 2009

Today I saw a female patient who has problems with use of multiple recreational drugs and alcohol.  I was the first psychiatrist that she has ever seen, she has however for the past two years been taking mirtazapine – an antidepressant – and this is prescribed by her hospital physician.  I almost never prescribe medications outside a psychiatric remit, however antidepressants are regularly prescribed by doctors whose area of expertise is not psychiatry.  GPs, ITUs and stroke wards often start their patients on these medications, and hospital physicians can also be very fond of them. 

The notion that there is a very common disease called ‘depression’ that can be addressed with the use of antidepressants is very prevalent in our society and although psychiatrists are ‘experts’ in it, the general abandon doctors show with antidepressant prescribing would suggest that its treatment is something on which all doctors have purchase and is not just the preserve of shrinks.  Yet can this be a good idea?  Many doctors’ insight into this area may be no more nuanced than that gleaned from their teaching at medical school, which from my recollection was simplistic and dogmatic.  Is low mood such a problem that we cannot but afford to have all doctors tackling the problem, or has the diagnosis gone feral and now needs to be tamed by expert tamers with chairs and whips?

In truth ‘depression’ is a very difficult thing to define and any doctor who says that they can reliably differentiate it from sadness is deluding themselves.  Our current best shots at a definition, or at least the one that most people agree on, are the vague aggregation of symptoms offered by DSM-IV and ICD-10.  These definitions are so broad however that they stand accused of pathologizing everyday sadness and have in part lead to the ridiculous notion, useful to some, that one in four of our population suffers from a disorder of their mental health. 

Standing aside whether widely used criteria are worthy, most doctors – including psychiatrists – pay little heed to operational criteria, and instead simply going to a doctor once or twice and stating that you’re ‘not quite yourself’ is most often sufficient for a prescription of antidepressants, which is a de facto diagnosis of depression.  It’s illuminating often to ask people who say that they are ‘depressed’ what meaning they attach to this; the selection of responses I have had range from those equating to mild dysphoria to those expressing unremitting misery.  It is also not unusual for a question about someone’s supposed mental distress to be framed in more concrete terms: ‘I’ve got a lot of trouble with my housing’ being an unfortunate favourite.  If the first doctor won’t provide you with antidepressants, the second surely will.  Doctors we feel they must help and antidepressants allow them to avoid admitting the boundaries of their efficacy.

Thus a patient who entered a consulting room simply sad, and often unfortunate, leaves anointed as ‘depressed’ having now a stigmatizing mental health disorder, and as this is a disease that sits independent from a life narrative, other avenues of relief which might have otherwise been explored are tacitly discouraged.  Now take the patient we started with.  Anyone standing next to you at a bus stop would tell you that if someone was already taking four psychoactive substances on a daily basis, then addressing these might be the first place to start.    This is what I’d have said to them, but in this rights-based society if I think this and a patient thinks differently, who’s right?

You might think then that this is a call for psychiatrists to act as gatekeepers to the prescribing of antidepressants.  Actually no, depression and antidepressants are one of the stories of our age, which means that they effect everybody and everyone has a part to play in their sensible use.  I’m not going to go so far as to say that there is no such thing as ‘mood disorder’ but in recently years we have all reimagined humans as intensely vulnerable beings, which inevitably means that people will view themselves in this light.  As the prominence of religion in European communities fades and market capitalism continues to propagate the excluded, medicine has become the place to turn for suffering of all kinds, social, physical and mental but this is no substitute for a supportive community.  They don’t teach us at medical school how to know the limits of our business, so we’ve been simply blundering on.  If all doctors can prescribe antidepressants, then all doctors should be part of the conversation about when we’ve gone too far and we should tell people that they’re a lot tougher than they think.

Also published on bmj.com blogs

Examination of the concept of ‘rational suicide’

Wednesday, May 20th, 2009

It has been estimated that approximately 1 000 000 people die of suicide yearly worldwide  and whilst most studies indicate that people who commit suicide have a disturbance of mental functioning this does not exclude a relatively small number of people who, for whatever reason, might express the wish for an early death but yet lack any state that may impair their mental function.  For these people the paternalistic approach applied to many with a desire for suicide appears less appropriate and has lead to the notion of a ‘rational suicide’.  Many people feel strongly that this option for rational thinkers to end their lives should be available and argue that there is a historical precedent; it was in reference to manner of Socrates’ death that Compassion and Choices, an American euthanasia pressure group, was initially called the Hemlock Society.

The emergence of rational suicide as a concept has happened within a framework of contemporary era cultural, technological and philosophical shifts where individualistic attitudes lead people to treat their own goals and desires as paramount whilst advances in medical treatments have lead to increased lifespan.  Therefore at the end of life we are both encouraged, and afforded more opportunity, to contemplate the manner of our own passing.  Judgement of suicide has simultaneously moved away from assigning a successful suicide to be a moral or religious failure towards one where most suicides have come to be seen as the result of disturbance of mind.

Werth and others have suggested criteria under which a rational suicide should be allowed.  That these are notably circumscribed reflects the negative value that suicide generally holds and the concerns of others with this approach.  Proposed are that for a suicide to be considered rational the person in question must have an unremittingly hopeless condition, should make their decision as a free choice and have engaged in a sound decision making process, including assessment by a mental health professional.

Despite the face validity of this line, analysis of what is meant by ‘rational suicide’ and its implications reveal a more nuanced situation than the casual inquirer might anticipate.  From the definitions of the word ‘suicide’, taken from the latin sui meaning ‘of oneself’ and cidium meaning ‘to slay or kill’, and that of rational, an act that it is characterized by reason or is intelligible, sensible, or can be understood , one can surmise that ‘rational suicide’ is self slaying that is characterized by reason or ‘makes sense’ to others .  The arguments in favour of rational suicide generally come in two flavours.  The first emphasizes the need to respect an individual’s autonomy, the modern meaning of which was developed by the philosopher Kant.  In common usage it implies ‘being one’s own person or being able to act according to one’s beliefs or desires without interference’.  Kant expressed it as a respect for persons and wrote that to violate a person’s autonomy is to treat them as a means rather than as an end in themselves.  The ‘right to die’ is then an expression of the most extreme form of autonomy, that is the right to choose the time and manner of one’s passing.  The second argument in support of rational suicide involves the ability of an individual to make rational assessment of utility or ‘good’ that is gained by ending their life and here proponents argue that suicide can provide freedom from painful and hopeless disease.  In this argument the consideration that an individual has for their quality of life is of paramount importance.

However the concepts of autonomy, utility and rationality alone are inadequate arguments for the acceptance of rational suicide as none are ever identifiable in so pure a form as to be considered a philosophical trump card.  Werth’s guidelines are first and foremost pragmatic and with an irreversible decision at stake the standards of rationality must of necessity be high.  To come to a conclusion that an act or intention of suicide is reasonable is not a straightforward matter.

We must also recognize that in seeking a rational suicide, the components that inform this decision are culturally determined, thereby introducing considerable subjectivity and possible external disagreement.  Furthermore if the decision to end one’s life is informed by persistent suffering, then it is unlikely to be made on entirely non-emotional grounds and likely to be subject to cognitive distortions.  It is a curious position to seek to solve a problem in life, by ending the life itself and those intending a rational suicide would presumably actually prefer to be alive, just not under the current circumstances, indicating the presence of significant ambivalence regarding their decision.

There are few people who would argue that autonomy for a patient, at any stage of care, is not important.  However when we respect autonomy we are respecting a person’s right to exercise their right to make independent decisions about their life and these decisions will be made on the basis of considerations which are consistent with a person’s moral values or a personal code.  These values or code would ideally be independently derived; however this is not possible as people are heavily influenced by such things as their culture, parents and friends.  Thus the sense of autonomy as the exercise of independent thought is compromised.

Alternatively, if one wishes to frame rational suicide as the outcome of an audit of a life’s merits and demerits a pertinent question is what the continuation of this life is to be weighed up against.  If the decision is to be truly informed this should involve gaining all possible facts and imagining all consequences.  However since the experience of being dead is entirely unknown it is questionable whether it is possible to adequately foresee the outcome of one’s actions in this regard.

These concerns indicate that it may be difficult to satisfactorily reach a conclusion that rational suicide is possible.  The concept of a suicide being ‘understandable’ is probably more meaningful and suitable although may not carry the same weight.

Comment on this piece

Life is a disease so cut the bullshit please

Further reading:

Autonomy, rationality and the wish to die Clarke Journal of Medical Ethics 1999;25:457-462
A Primer on Rational Suicide and Other Forms of Hastened Death Werth and Holdwick The Counseling Psychologist, Vol. 28, No. 4, 511-539 (2000)
Rational suicide: uncertain moral ground Rich and Butts Journal of Advanced Nursing Volume 46 Issue 3 270 – 278

Encyclopedia of  death and dying – suicide types

Suicide – a rational choice?

The economics of suicide – Slate magazine

Thought for the day 9 June 2009

Addendum 23 June 2009 Neither euthanasia nor suicide but end of life choice,  Guardian 23 June 2009.  More about physician assisted suicide than rational suicide but the comments are interesting, as they touch on many of the issues raised above

Big Pharma

Thursday, May 14th, 2009

One of the constant criticisms of psychiatry that it is heavily influenced by pharmaceutical companies in whose interest it is to encourage as many people as possible to take medication.  This is not to say that the benefit to society from the products of drugs companies has not been massive, but we should not, simply on this basis, assume that the interest of drug companies and the desires of doctors and patients are identical.  There are significant overlaps, but in one fundamental respect they come into conflict: pharmaceutical companies are answerable to their shareholders and thus above all need to maximize profit and their market share.   Put another way, human beings can survive without endless drugs to cure every possible ill but the companies that provide them cannot.

Psychiatric prescribing has been a particularly rich picking for pharmaceutical companies.  A large proportion of the global drugs spend is on psychoactive drug and in the UK between 1991 and 2001 prescriptions of antidepressants rose by 173%.  Partly off the back of this drug companies have become some of the most profitable organizations in the world.  In 2002 the combined profits for the ten drug companies ($35.9bn) in the Fortune 500 were more than the profits for the other 490 listed businesses put together ($33.7bn).  As their profits have increased, so have the amount governments and individuals have spent on their products.  In the UK the per-person government health care spending went up from $84 in 1960 (3.9%GDP) to $977 in 1980 (5.6%GDP) and reached $2160 in 2002 (7.7% GDP – all figures adjusted for inflation). The global spend on drugs increased from $20bn in 1972 to $500bn in 2004 (not adjusted for inflation).

Drugs are central to modern psychiatric practice and also to thinking about the nature and aetiology of mental disorders.  Arguably the primacy of concepts such as depression, social phobia, attention deficit and hyperactivity disorder owe much to pharmaceutical company intervention and psychiatric disorders provide opportunities for increasing product sales as, being poorly understood, they allow scope for expanding definitions of sickness to include more and more areas of social and personal difficulty not previously within the medical realm.  In addition the influence that the pharmaceutical industry wields has helped to create and reinforce a narrow biological approach to the explanation and treatment of mental disorders and has led to the exclusion of alternative explanatory paradigms. Furthermore the coercive function of psychiatry has also been strengthened by the continued promotion of the idea that that psychiatric disorders are akin to medical conditions and therefore amenable to technical solutions in the form of drugs the benefits of which we have a duty to impose.

Pharmaceutical companies spend a vast amount of money on marketing, an activity which is often aimed at doctors, on whom they must rely in large part for the distribution of their products.  Sponsorship is given to academic meetings providing access to the leading doctors of the future.  Although a representative’s gifts may be relatively small, even ones of negligible value can influence the behavior of the recipient in ways the recipient does not always realize.  There is also disquiet about various aspects of research and the licensing process.  Drug companies have repeatedly been shown to bury unflattering data.  Even drug trials can be considered as a form of marketing as they introduce physicians to drugs early.

Any invective on this subject should not of course just be levelled at psychiatrists, as it effects all branches of medicine but psychiatry has arguably been one of the most vulnerable specialties.  We are rapidly becoming, or indeed have become, a society that seeks a ‘pill for every ill’ and one that looks for simplistic, technical solutions to complex social problems. This helps to divert attention away from the profound social and political changes that have occurred during the last few decades. But for our part as psychiatrists and doctors we should, whilst recognizing the contribution that pharmaceutical companies make, seek not to collude with practices that are against the best interests of patients and of the wider society.

For further information on this subject the following are excellent:

Is Psychiatry for sale? – the astute reader will see that I’ve pinched some of her arguments.  It’s a short closely argued polemic.  But be warned – I once presented it in a journal club and found few supporters.

Big Pharma by Jackie Law.  An entire book on this subject.  Here she talks about it on R4’s Start the Week.  Here’s her blog

Bad Science by Ben Goldacre.  Everyone’s favourite exposer of folly has a chapter on this in his book.  I note with some envy that it’s the 13th best seller on Amazon.  I’d be lucky to get 13 comments on this blog in a month.  One can but dream….

No free lunch

Schizophrenia – a work in progress?

Thursday, May 7th, 2009

Up until the end of the 18th century mental disorders were divided into roughly four categories: idiocy (congenital intellectual impairment), dementia (acquired intellectual impairment), mania (insanity associated with many delusions and disturbed behaviour), and melancholia (insanity associated with circumscribed delusions and social withdrawal).

Morel in France was one of the first people to put forward the view that that mental disorders could in fact be further separated and classified.  In 1852 he gave the name démence précoce to describe a disorder which he described as starting in adolescence and leading first to a withdrawal, odd mannerisms, self-neglect and eventually to intellectual deterioration.

Kraepelin working in the late nineteenth century took inspiration from general paralysis of the insane – a disease with unity of cause, course and outcome – and argued that there were a discrete and discoverable number of psychiatric disorders.  He sought to distinguish between ‘dementia praecox’ and affective psychosis.  Dementia praecox described patients with a global disruption of perceptual and cognitive processes (dementia) together with early onset (praecox).  Affective psychosis contrasted with relatively intact thinking, later onset and episodic nature of the illness.

It was Bleuler who first used the phrase ‘schizophrenia’.  It is commonly thought that this means ‘split personality’ but Bleuler actually meant the name to reflect the ‘loosening of the associations’; he thought this the essence of the disease.  He described four fundamental symptoms which he deemed essential for the diagnosis:  loosened associations (between different functions of the mind, so that thoughts become disconnected and co-ordination between emotional and volitional processes become weaker), ambivalence (the presence of conflicting emotions and desires), incongruous affect (e.g. vacuous giggling on hearing sad news), and autism (active withdrawal from reality in order to live in an inner world of fantasy)
Unlike Kraeplin, Bleuler felt that affective psychosis and schizophrenia were not strictly delineated but on lay on a continuum.  He also demoted hallucinations and delusions, which to Kraeplin were central, to ‘secondary symptoms’.

More recently, working in the 1950s, Kurt Schneider’s work was fundamentally pragmatic.  He lent on the earlier work of Karl Jaspers – a philosopher psychiatrist who had concentrated on the phenomenology of mental disorders, in particular the un-understandability of psychotic delusions – and aimed to identify characteristics that were peculiar to schizophrenia and which would therefore provide the best guide to the practising clinician.  He identified eleven first rank symptoms of the disorder, all of which were forms of hallucination, delusion or passivity experience.

We can see from the above brief summary of the evolution of schizophrenia as an idea that what is central to the diagnosis has significantly altered as it has passed through the hands of these thinkers.  For Kraepelin the crucial features were intellectual, for Bleuler cognitive and emotional, whereas Schneider pinpointed hallucinations and delusions.  Their ideas are still important as DSM IV/ICD-10 criteria for schizophrenia are a patchwork of the ideas of all three.  Therefore although operationalized criteria have improved the reliability of the schizophrenia diagnosis and outside psychiatry it is considered to be a crystallized entity, not only does there still remain no firm aetiology or diagnostic test for schizophrenia but its very character is still up for question.

Urban living, migration and mental health

Tuesday, April 28th, 2009

The history of the last two hundred years of humankind is the history of the city. In the world there are now more than 90 cities with populations in excess of 3 million people and 19 megacities with populations over 10 million. By contrast two thousand years ago, when the world population was approx 200 million, there were only 40 cities with more than 50 000 inhabitants. The population density of central London is now in excess of 10 000 people per square kilometre.

Their invention is relatively recent. Initially we, humans, lived our lives as hunter gatherers, living off nuts and berries with a population density a roomy one person per square kilometre. Then, seventy thousand years ago we began migrate from the African plains and ten thousand years ago nomadic societies began to give way to those which were settled and agricultural. These pastoralists were advantaged in that they could feed greater numbers of people and support a higher density of population. The downside was that their diet was less varied and that they were a sickly bunch, as with people now living in close proximity to their domesticated animals many diseases like influenza jumped the species barrier.

Cities have provided their inhabitants with an enormous number of benefits. There are improved opportunities for jobs, education, housing, and transportation. Universities have been founded and specialised health centres are possible. The breath of entertainments can satisfy every whim. Urban areas can also have much more diverse social communities allowing others to find people to whom they relate whom they might not be able to meet in rural areas. In fact it’s hard to imagine that many of the things we regard as everyday parts of modern life if people had not been able to live in the close proximity that city life makes a possibility.

But, the story of cities is not only the story of the people they serve ably. Life in a shanty town on the edges of a Sal Paulo or on a on the outskirts of Manchester sink estate is unlikely to offer any of these advantages. For many people, especially those in less developed countries, greater urbanization is likely to bring only poverty and disease. Even for people not so far down Maslow’s hierarchy, problems can abound as social bonds are often much looser and more fluid in cities than in smaller rural communities and rather than fit into those prexisting, city dwellers are forced to build their own social networks. Furthermore, modern social forces, mostly city based, have lead to an increasingly flexible employment market with more reliance on short term contracts and part time positions. This breeds uncertainty, stress, fuels competition and encourages us to see our colleagues as rivals and potential threats.

Thus, for almost anyone, cities place complex demands with concomitant stress. These circumstances appear to affect the proportion of the population suffering from mental illness. This urban settings effect is most acutely observed for schizophrenia, a disorder which occurs more commonly in cities. There are two competing hypotheses as to why this should be so. The ‘drift’ hypothesis suggests that urban environments attract selective migration of preschizophrenia individuals. On the other hand the ‘breeder’ hypothesis suggests that cities precipitate psychosis in genetically vulnerable people by the stress of social isolation and complex cognitive demands that characterise inner city life. Ultimately both are likely to contribute, and mental illness may be a cause or consequence of social isolation. A 2004 survey of all Swedes between ages 25 and 64 revealed that people living in the most densely populated had almost twice the rate of psychosis of those in the least populated areas.

Cities also tend be the home of migrants. In 2001 4.9 million people in the UK were born overseas, twice 2.1 million in 1951. Decade 1991 to 2001 saw the biggest leap in immigration to the UK – 1.1 million – since before the second world war. Migrants suffer the travails of city living, only more so; the upheaval of being uprooted from their homeland, having to cope with a strange new culture, learning a new language. Studies in London, Nottingham and Bristol found that schizophrenia is nine time as common in African Caribbean people and six times as prevalent in black Africans as in the white British population. Non migrant Afro-Carribeans and Africans do not have similar rates of illness; misdiagnosis by racist doctors has mostly been discounted as the cause for this difference. Soberingly the UN Global commission on international migration notes that:

Migrants are often viewed with suspicion by other members of society. In parts of the world certain politicians and media outlets have found it easy to mobilize support by means of populist and xenophobic campaigns that project systemically negative images of migrants…first generation migrants suffer disproportionately from physical, mental and reproductive health problems…they have lower educational attainments than nationals and generally live in poorer quality accommodation. Migrants also tend to occupy low-wage and low-status jobs and are more likely to suffer from long-term unemployment than other members of society (chapter 4)

Our species, homo sapiens, is thought to have originated 200 000 years ago. Full behavioural modernity, including language and music is thought to have emerged 50 000 years ago. Thus, compared to the age of our species, the city as a place to live is a relative new comer and it is perhaps small wonder that organise city living to everyone’s benefit, and that the project as a whole is still causing problems. The connection of mental illness to city dwelling suggests that we will be unable to fully address the problems of this problem until we have address wider issues of poverty.

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An interesting fact (gleaned from a Robin Murray lecture): The incidence of schizophrenia in a particular area is predicted by the proportion of the population who vote in a General Election. The thinking is that If you live in an area where there is a sense of community and cohesiveness, then there is generally a higher percentage of people who vote, and lower incidences of schizophrenia. In a disorganised area, where nobody votes, and nobody knows their neighbours, there is lower ’social capital’, and higher rates of schizophrenia. (see comment below for clarification on this)

Jared Diamond The rise and fall of the third chimpanzee is informative about hunter gatherers and is a generally excellent book

Paranoia: a 21st century disease is informative about urban living and its effect on mental health

Self-help: friend or foe?

Monday, April 20th, 2009

 

There was a page advert in the Metro this week for a three days seminar with TV hypnotist Paul McKenna and pals which promised to ‘Change your life in three days’. 

In just 3 days, you will learn quick and lasting techniques to change your life, allowing you to:

Let go of your old emotional baggage
Have supreme self-confidence
Move past the obstacles to change
Supercharge your creativity
Deal with the past, once and for all
Become the person you’ve always wanted to be

If these claims could be substantiated, then this is pretty impressive work.  As someone who tries to address at least some of these problems with my patients on a daily basis, for me changing someone’s life permanently in three days would be nothing short of a miracle.  Is the self help industry really helping people or merely offering over simplified solutions to complicated personal and social problems?

The wise woman in the cave has been providing guidance since the beginning of time, but the pioneer of the modern self help movement was Dale Carnegie who published his book How to win friends and influence people in 1936.  It sold 15 million copies and continues to sell in an updated version today.  The industry it spawned is estimated to be worth $11bn.  These riches are not surprising; in a world where dissatisfaction is rife and those without personal contentment or possessions are failures, the best self-help materials appear to make the keys to a successful life appear within reach and the world deliciously simple.  ‘Self-help’ and the reward it promises therefore represent an undoubtedly attractive proposition.

Closer scrutiny reveals a more mixed picture.  In order to promote their product, the marketing for self help materials must necessarily engender or at least encourage personal deficit within potential clients which their product then promises to satisfy.  Not only is this (like most advertising) socially corrosive, but represents a circular proposition.  Furthermore the self help industry is the product of, but also fans the flames of, the West’s culture of individualism.  In this way they work so as to discourage people from acting as part of collective movements to solve their problems but to see them as individually based.  Attention and scrutiny is thereby attracted away from gross social inequalities and the myth promoted that health and wealth are largely self generated.

The initial and perhaps laudible aim that one should reach one’s full potential be has been replaced by a continuing demand that maximize oneself as ‘human capital’.  Self help can be considered as colluding in a cultural trap cultural trap whereby people are in endless cycles of self-invention and overwork as they struggle to stay ahead of the rapidly restructuring economic order.  The tacit assumption that people need help, until proven otherwise, is also troubling and can only exacerbate our burgeoning culture of victimization.

In terms of content self-help can be seen as equally wanting and has a tendency to present ancient clichés as revolutionary new strategies.  The majority of the wisdom self help books provide is actually repackaged common sense and platitudes.  This repackaging is necessary as any author is unable to lay claim to ideas that might be considered common property and with ownership in mind therefore seeks sophistication via the appearance of scientific method and intellectual rigor.  Anthony Robbins has, for instance, called one of his most successful books Unlimited power: the new science of personal relations.  As well as the message, the medium is also vital as with relatively little insight to impart, a theatrics will help (just like a brightly coloured sugar pill acts as a placebo).  If your friend tells you something you might not listen.  However if you’ve paid £400 for the honour then the situation may be quite different and large expensive personal development seminars are widespread.  Anthony Robbins is famed for using firewalking demonstrations to illustrate that the main quality shared by those who achieve greatness is the ability to take action.

When the dust settles, my concern about self help overlaps with my concerns about the worst excesses of psychology and psychiatry practice.  It promises to do much more than it can ultimately deliver, the financial motivation behind it is rarely scrutinized and its individualistic focus draws attention from socially based solutions that might ultimately provide more permanent succour.  I would however concede that it is far preferable that people spend their money on McKenna’s show than on, say, a three day booze and drug fuelled bender – an altogether more dysfunctional coping strategy.

I leave you with two further thoughts:

“The only way to get rich from a self-help book is to write one” – Christopher Buckley in God is my Broker

“The part I really don’t understand is if you’re looking for self-help, why would you read a book written by somebody else? That’s not self-help, that’s help” – George Carlin comedian

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Also

Wikipedia article – which needs a bit of work if anyone’s interested….

SHAM – How the Gurus of self help made us helpless – Steve Salerno
- the first chapter is available here and this is well worth a read
- he has a blog too

Self Help Inc – Makeover culture in American life by Micki McKee
- Blog
- Excerpt

How mumbo jumbo conquered the world by Francis Wheen has an ascerbic chapter on this subject

Post traumatic Stress Disorder – two views

Tuesday, April 7th, 2009

Orthodox view:

In the ICD-10 PTSD is listed under ICD-10 as F43.1; here find a summary of the PTSD information available on the Royal College of Psychiatrists website:

In our everyday lives, any of us can have an experience that is overwhelming, frightening, and beyond our control. We could find ourselves in a car crash, the victim of an assault, or see an accident. Police, fire brigade or ambulance workers are more likely to have such experiences – they often have to deal with horrifying scenes. Soldiers may be shot or blown up, and see friends killed or injured.
Most people, in time, get over experiences like this without needing help. In some people though, traumatic experiences set off a reaction that can last for many months or years. This is called Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD).

PTSD can start after any traumatic event. A traumatic event is one where we can see that we are in danger, our life is threatened, or where we see other people dying or being injured. Some typical traumatic events would be military combat or a serious road accident or being taken hostage or being diagnosed with a life threatening illness.  Even hearing about the unexpected injury or violent death of a family member or close friend* can start PTSD.

The symptoms of PTSD can start after a delay of weeks, or even months. They usually appear within 6 months of a traumatic event.  Many people feel grief-stricken, depressed, anxious, guilty and angry. As well as these understandable emotional reactions, there are three main types of symptoms produced by such an experience:

  • Flashbacks & Nightmares – where people find themselves reliving an event again and again.  Ordinary things can trigger ‘flashbacks’.
  • Avoidance & Numbing – where sufferers avoid places and people that remind you of the trauma, and try not to talk about it.  Numbing is where people deal with the pain of their feelings by trying to feel nothing at all.
  • Hypervigilance – this is like being “on guard” all the time.

These symptoms can be accompanied by: muscle aches and pains, diarrhoea, irregular heartbeats, headaches, feelings of panic and fear, depression, drinking too much alcohol and using drugs.
Traumatic events are so shocking as they undermine our sense that life is fair, reasonably safe, and that we are secure. The symptoms of PTSD are part of a normal reaction to narrowly avoided death.  However not everyone will get PTSD after a traumatic experience.  Over a few weeks, most people slowly come to terms with what has happened, and their stress symptoms start to disappear.  However about 1 in 3 people will find that their symptoms just carry on and that they can’t come to terms with what has happened.  The more disturbing the experience, the more likely you are to develop PTSD.

Possible explanations for why PTSD occurs:
The first of these is psychological.  When we are frightened, we remember things very clearly. Although it can be distressing to remember these things, it can help us to understand what happened and, in the long run, help us to survive.  The flashbacks, or replays, force us to think about what has happened; we can decide what to do if it happens again. After a while, we learn to think about it without becoming upset.  Being ‘on guard’ means that we can react quickly if another crisis happens.
In terms of the body and its mechanisms, adrenaline is a hormone our bodies produce when we are under stress. It ‘pumps up’ the body to prepare it for action.  When the stress disappears, the level of adrenaline should go back to normal.  In PTSD, it may be that the vivid memories of the trauma keep the levels of adrenaline high.  This will make a person tense, irritable, and unable to relax or sleep well.

The hippocampus is a part of the brain that processes memories. High levels of stress hormones, like adrenaline, can stop it from working properly – like ‘blowing a fuse’. This means that flashbacks and nightmares continue because the memories of the trauma can’t be processed. If the stress goes away and the adrenaline levels get back to normal, the brain is able to repair the damage itself, like other natural healing processes in the body. The disturbing memories can then be processed and the flashbacks and nightmares will slowly disappear.

PTSD Critical view:

Rather than being something with an objective existence, whether identified by psychiatrists or not, the origins of PTSD are actually grounded in the political and social, emerging as it did during the fallout from the Vietnam War.  At this time returning American soldiers found themselves pilloried and marginalised.  The new diagnosis of PTSD shifted the emphasis from the brutal actions of soldiers towards the essentially traumatic experience of war.  The diagnosis bestowed victimhood and thereby moral exculpation.  Originally envisaged as being appropriate for application to only extreme and unlikely experiences, the diagnosis has come to encompass relatively common, albeit unfortunate, events (see * above).  Vulnerability, rather than resilience is now considered to be the norm.

Modern western culture has taken a direction whereby a nation is judged as an economy rather than as a society and where great disparities of wealth are tolerated and even argued necessary.  ‘Psychological thinking’, individualism and personal rights are increasingly prominent.  Grievances for life’s injustices under such circumstances are common and individuals largely tailor their behaviour to fit expectations.   In this way PTSD allows compensation to be granted in a socially acceptable way.
PTSD is also weak as a diagnostic category.  A psychiatric disorder is not necessarily a disease, but rather a way of seeing; throughout history people have had disturbing recollections and despair, but the idea of traumatic memory as a fixed, circumscribed, pathological entity separate from other varieties of psychological distress is recent.  Rather than representing, as one might expect from its separate categorisation , a entirely independent disease process, PTSD is grounded in phenomena which are shared by other psychiatric disorders.  It also lacks specificity as it fails to distinguish what is ‘pathological’ from ordinary distress.  Furthermore, its conception that the condition’s aetiology involves a single traumatic event from which all else follows is dubious given the influence that other factors must have over the development of the disorder, for example coping styles and previous psychiatric history.

PTSD is made rather than discovered, but once invented, it is hard to uninvent; each time a diagnosis of PTSD is made its existence is further solidified.

***

Further reading:

The invention of post-traumatic stress disorder and the social usefulness of a psychiatric category BMJ 2001;322:95-98

PTSD: a critical appraisal

Article on Dr Pat Bracken and his book Trauma: Culture, meaning and philosophy

On the concept of trauma BMJ2009;339:B4577 – access restricted

‘One in four’

Tuesday, February 3rd, 2009

One in four of us have a mental health disorder. Ruby says it (and Stephen Fry too), so then it must be true. But has one in four people I pass in the street really got a diagnosable mental health problem? If this sounds like rather a lot, then it is: 15 243 750 people from the last estimate of the UK population.

I emailed the Time to Change Campaign to ask them where they got their numbers from and, seemingly unable to provide any hard evidence themselves, they pointed me toward the webpages of Mind, the Royal College of Psychiatrists and the Institute of Psychiatry. Pause for a minute to consider that a campaign that is happily promulgating ‘one in four’ via television advertisements and on London-wide posters is unable to produce simple evidence for it to an interested party on request. Of the three websites, that of Mind is the most helpful and points towards two surveys, the references of which are below. Both of them use population surveys to come their conclusions.

But before I get to that, think about this; in his book Blink: the power of thinking without thinking the eloquent Malcolm Gladwell essentially posits the following thesis: if you are faced with something and your first reaction is ‘that’s bollocks’ (my phraseology) then this inner voice should not be ignored; it well might be correct. I put it to you that ‘one in four’ statistic is just such instinctual bollocks and it is only because it is told to us by ‘experts’ and written all over our world that it is accepted as fact.

Because anyone like me who’s in the business of identifying mental health disorders knows one thing. Sometimes it’s very difficult to do and untangling symptoms of reasonable distress from those of functional mental illness is more often than not utterly impossible. I’ve written before about people whose ‘career’ as psychiatric patients involves being given a number of different classifications on which any two psychiatrists often disagree. What hope then for surveys whose aim is to tease out these same symptoms with scant regard to the whole person whose reasons meanings and circumstance will be complex and opaque? Thus ‘one in four’ is a vast overestimate reached in part as life is hard and distress but not ‘mental illness’ is widespread.

Sadly the more something is repeated, the more it is accepted as fact. And this is true doubly if it is coming from the mouth of a celebrity. But soberingly: even if these numbers are not real, they may be real in their consequences and in a world where 25% of the population is mentally ill, we get what we deserve. In the UK 2.5 million working age people are claiming disability benefits, and only 20% of people claiming these benefits will return to work within the next five years. This amounts to massive waste of potential and one which doctors are expected to police, despite often not even having received ten seconds tuition on the matter whilst at medical school or since.

Yes there is a significant number of people in the population with serious problems in their mental health, and yes, Time for Change’s aim to reduce mental health stigma is laudable. But their ‘one in four’ slogan is an untruth sold to them by foolish psychiatrists. Time for change indeed…

Links:

From the MInd site:

ONS 2000, Psychiatric morbidity among adults living in private households in Great Britain,
States that the number of people with a mental health disorder in the UK at any one time is 1 in 6 people. This number represents those with ‘significant’ mental health problems.

Goldberg, D. & Huxley Common mental disorders a bio-social model which uses a wider definition of mental illness and correspondingly provides us with a ‘one in four’

**

Derek Summerfield has written about similar especially with regard to the Layard proposals

***

Addendum 27 May 2009 The excellent Neuroskeptic has begun looking into this.  In his first posting he looks into the basis of the ‘one in four’ claim, and was unable to find the basis of the claim

What is mental illness, mental health, mental disorder?

Wednesday, January 28th, 2009

A more difficult question to answer than one might think. As usual your definition depends on all or some of: your point of view, how deeply you wish to probe, how many people are sitting on your committee and how long you’ve got to write it before you break for lunch.

Before I get stuck in, it’s worth noting that the term ‘health’ is a non-exact term used loosely in everyday speech. Equally ‘mental health’, ‘mental illness’ and ‘mental disorder’ are used with an comparable lack of precision and the latter two most often interchangeably. In addition psychiatric health/illness/disorder are used synonymously with mental health/illness/disorder. A further problem with this concept is that there is no clear cut off point between mental disorder and mental health; indeed one person’s mental health, might be another’s mental disorder.

With this poverty of precision already built in, it is probably unfair to expect too much. For this posting I will be mostly using the phrase ‘mental disorder’. Whatever their definitions, common sense dictates that ‘mental health’ and ‘mental illness’ are at least related such that as one increases, the other decreases. There is no definition of mental disorder which is either entirely satisfactory or uniformly accepted.

For legal purposes, the UK’s Mental Health Act 2007 defines mental disorder succinctly and thusly:

‘Mental disorder’ means any disorder or disability of the mind (page 7)

It is clear here, even to the casual reader, is that there is a marked circularity to this statement. Verbose as ever the World Health Organisation makes the following submission:

Mental health can be conceptualized as a state of well-being in which the individual realizes his or her own abilities, can cope with the normal stresses of life, can work productively and fruitfully, and is able to make a contribution to his or her community.

Furthermore they state emphatically:

Mental health is more than the absence of mental disorders (read the rest)

Inspiration for the definition of mental disorder often comes from the world of general medicine. Whether or not a mental disorder can or should be considered in the same way as, say, a viral illness is a discussion for another day but it is a direction that modern psychiatry is wedded to. Looked at this way mental disorder can be:

An absence of mental health.
A stumbling block here is that health is at least as difficult to define as illness. Always willing to have a bash, the WHO have defined ‘health’ as ‘a state of complete physical, social and mental well-being and not merely an absence of disease or infirmity’.

A presence of significant psychopathology.
This is related to the definition ‘disease is what doctors treat’, in that psychopathology would be identified by a nominated professional (but with their own distinct gaze…). It is another rather circular argument which allows for expansion of the concept which it describes, as when treatments become available for a condition it is more likely to be considered a disease (think of depression).

Similar to defining mental disorder as the presence of psychopathology is the wish to define mental disorder as the ‘presence of suffering’. This defines the group of people most likely to consult doctors, or other health care professionals. However unlike the definition relying on psychopathology, it leaves out people with mental disorders whose main effect is not felt by the sufferer at the time, for example during the manic phase of bipolar disorder or schizophrenia without insight.

Finally depending on our agenda, we can also choose to define mental illness out of existence. Enter the philosopher and anti-psychiatrist Thomas Szasz who wished to define a disease purely in terms of its physical pathology. Since most mental disorders do not have any demonstrable physical pathology, they are by this yardstick not illnesses. Although not sunk, this view has come under considerable attack from research which suggests genetic and neurobiological processes are involved in the aetiology of mental illness.

Further reading:

There’s a chapters in this book
Clare AW (1997) in The Essentials of Postgraduate Psychiatry
and a section in
Shorter Oxford Textbook of Psychiatry

Also Wikipedia